Pages

Saturday, March 25, 2023

The Conviction and Sentencing of Opposition Politician Rahul Gandhi for the Offence of Criminal Defamation

The Surat Court Judgment convicting opposition politician Rahul Gandhi for criminal defamation for remarks which can by no stretch of imagination be called criminal defamation of the complainant in the case, and sentencing him for the maximum period of two years imprisonment resulting in his automatic and immediate disqualification from the Indian Parliament is the most recent high profile example of how Indian Courts and law enforcement agencies like the Police are being misused to attack our guaranteed fundamental right of freedom of speech in India.

The judgment can be read at https://www.livelaw.in/pdf_upload/gjsr02020313201912023-03-23-464960.pdf

This judgment is in Gujarati. So one must wait for a translation into English to engage with it. 

A preliminary point: 

Rahul Gandhi does not speak Gujarati. Were the Court Proceedings carried out in Gujarati? Should a man be convicted by a Judgment in a language he does not understand. The Magistrate speaks English, The Judgment contains quotes in English from judicial precedents, Why should the Judgment not have been written in English then? 


Thursday, March 23, 2023

How Indian Courts and law enforcement agencies like the Police are being misused to attack our guaranteed fundamental right of freedom of speech in India

The Judicial system in India right from the district courts to the constitutional High Courts and the Supreme Court has failed to protect the guaranteed fundamental right to freedom of speech of Indian citizens. 

The Courts and the Police are being used to imprison people for speaking and expressing views that ought not to be prohibited. This has become rampant. 

The Surat Court Judgment convicting opposition politician Rahul Gandhi for criminal defamation for remarks which can by no stretch of imagination be called criminal defamation of the complainant in the case, and sentencing him for the maximum period of two years imprisonment resulting in his automatic and immediate disqualification from the Indian Parliament is the most recent high profile example of this growing trend.  The judgment can be read at https://www.livelaw.in/pdf_upload/gjsr02020313201912023-03-23-464960.pdf



Monday, March 20, 2023

The Contempt of Court conviction of former DSP Balwinder Singh Sekhon

A former Police Officer of Punjab Balwinder Singh Sekhon was on 24 February 2023 convicted for Contempt of Court and sentenced to imprisonment for six months. 

and 

A whistleblower of sorts, DSP Sekhon had taken on politicians, bureaucrats, police officers in his battles against corruption and the drug mafia in Punjab.  With a visible presence on YouTube, Sekhon had also criticized the Judiciary and its handling of drug mafia cases. 

On  15 February 2023, Sekhon was issued a Contempt of Court notice by the Punjab & Haryana High Court. On 20 February, the High Court at Chandigarh issued a warrant of arrest for Sekhon and his aide in the suo moto contempt case. Sekhon was arrested the same day and produced before the High Court on 24 Fenruary 2023. 

Sekhon was extremely blunt in his criticism of Judges in his YouTube videos. His use of language was not guarded and there is little doubt that he crossed the line for criminal contempt drawn in the contempt of Courts Act, with truth being his only defence. 

But in this short note, I comment on the handling of his contempt hearing by the Chandigarh High Court on 24 February 2023. There was little media coverage and all I found was one Twitter account describing what transpired in Court, Sekhon was presented in Police custody before the Court, he appeared without a lawyer, he asked the Court to appoint a particular lawyer for him whom he named, Sekhon denied his guilt, and he asked for time to file a written reply. 

The Chandigarh High Court convicted and sentenced Sekhon of Contempt of Court the same day, i,e., on 24 February 2023 and he was taken into custody and sent to prison for six months from the Court itself.  So the Chandigarh High Court convicted and sentenced Sekhon without giving him an opportunity to file a reply, without providing him legal representation, and without giving him a proper hearing in accordance with the principles of natural justice. He was also ordered to be arrested immediately. and the sentence was not suspended to allow him to exercise his statutory right of appeal to the Supreme Court under the Contempt of Courts Act. 

As of 20 March 2023, no appeal has been filed before the Supreme Court on behalf of Balwinder Singh Sekhon. 

Whatever be the circumstances, a man ought not to be imprisoned without a hearing, without a lawyer and without an opportunity to reply to the charges against him. Even Section 14 of the Contempt of Courts Act enjoins upon the Court to give a person charged with Contempt "an opportunity to make his defence to the charge" and to afford him a hearing. The Chandigarh High Court failed to do so in its conviction and sentencing of Balwinder Singh Sekhon.  The failure of the Chandigarh High Court in giving Sekhon a proper hearing with legal representation after an opportunity to file a written reply has violated his fundamental right to natural justice under Article 14 of the Constitution. The Court failed to follow the procedure established by law before convicting and sentencing Sekhon and this violates his right to life and personal liberty under Article 21 of the Constitution. 

Of all cases, it is Contempt of Court cases where allegations made against Judges are the cause of action, that it becomes morally imperative that the Court hearing criminal contempt charges scrupulously follow the procedure established by law and afford full natural justice rights to the accused. This is necessary not just to uphold the sanctity of due process and the rule of law, but also to accord legitimacy to the judicial process and the judicial verdict. 

Sunday, March 19, 2023

Commentary on Delhi High Court Judgment dated 16 March 2023 in Parnita Kapoor versus Arvind Malik under the Contempt of Courts Act

Should a man be convicted for contempt of court and sent to prison for six months for failing to pay money in compliance with a Court order? 

In a Judgment dated 16 March 2023, Justice Mamneet Pritam Singh Arora of the High Court of Delhi has sent a lawyer to prison for six months for failing to comply with Court directions to pay rent arrears in a tenancy dispute. 

Read the Judgment at https://images.assettype.com/barandbench/2023-03/a9f127b5-f312-46c7-831f-63969b22b591/Parnita_Kapoor_v_Arvind_Malik.pdf 

Even though it appears that the lawyer had defaulted in complying with Court directions to pay rent arrears, the larger question arises as to whether a party should be sentenced to prison for six months under the Contempt of Courts Act for failing to pay moneys owed. What purpose will such an order of imprisonment serve in securing the payments due? Should a man be imprisoned for such default or would the better course have been to take steps for recovery of the moneys due under Civil Law including as arrears of land revenue. 

Other concerns that the Judgment gives rise to -

In sending the Party to Prison for six months, the Court has ignored the mandate if Section 12(3) of the Contempt of Courts Act which states: "Notwithstanding anything contained in this section, where a person is found guilty of a civil contempt, the court, if it considers that a fine will not meet the ends of justice and that a sentence of imprisonment is necessary shall, instead of sentencing him to simple imprisonment, direct that he be detained in a civil prison for such period not exceeding six months as it may think fit.". The Law itself provides that a sentence of imprisonment for a civil contempt is extraordinary and requires special reasons, and even then the detention must be in a civil prison. 

The Judgment orders the immediate imprisonment of the lawyer without providing an opportunity to appeal the ruling before the lawyer is taken into custody. Normally and properly, such judgments should state that the sentence will stand suspended for a period of three months to enable a statutory appeal under the Contempt of Courts Act. A statutory appeal is an appeal by right. Every Court order can in theory be legally flawed hence the right of appeal is a valuable and indispensable right. The judgment ignores this right of appeal. Further once incarcerated, the lawyer will certainly not be able to exercise his remedies including his right of appeal as effectively as he would be able to do otherwise. 

The Judgment fails to adequately record the defence if any of the Party. There is some passing reference to the Party's claim of financial inability to pay and to the Party's position that the orders determining the amounts due were wrong and that the amounts determined as due are incorrect, and that the Party was not adequately represented by Counsel when these orders were passed. The Judgment adopts a technical position that the previous orders were not appealed against. But in my view, before sending a man to prison for six months, the Court ought to have considered these defences in detail and should have attempted to arrive at the truth of these defences. 

In the Judgment, the Court also refers to a statement in an earlier order that the lawyer was carrying on the business of paying guest accommodation in the rented premises in contravention of the prohibition in the Advocates Act. The Judgment directs the Bar Council to take action against the lawyer and to file a report within four weeks on the action initiated, Once again, this direction in the judgment coupled with the immediate imprisonment of the Party causes grave prejudice because it directs punitive action against the Party, while simultaneously preventing the Party from availing his legal remedies by directing his immediate imprisonment. The overall impression one should get from a Court Judgment is one of justice and fair play. And this Judgment fails to convey that and instead leaves one with a sense of unease. 

One glaring fact that stands out and which the Court makes no mention of is that the main story played out during the Covid pandemic and lockdowns. The Covid lockdowns obviously affected the Paying Guest business and the ability of the Party to pay rent. Yet the Court does not take this into consideration. 

In paragraph 24 the Court sets out its reasoning for sentencing the Party to imprisonment for six months. It states "This Court is of the opinion that if the Respondent is not met with the consequences of the wilful default and breach on the orders and undertakings given to this Court, it will embolden him to similarly abuse the process of law in future and victimize fellow citizens on the belief that the sanctity of orders passed by the Court need not be protected and honored. This is a fit case where any leniency shown by the Court will be misunderstood as weakness."

With great respect, the reasoning of the Court in paragraph 24 is flawed. The Court simply assumes that the Party will abuse and victimise others in the future and states that the Court cannot be considered as weak. Once again, the Court fails to determine the real reasons for failure to pay and also fails to appreciate that the objective is not to punish the Party or to assert the strength of the Court but to arrive at a fair and just decision and to use the law to facilitate the payment of dues to the extent possible. 

Paragraph 29 of the Judgment reads as follows: 

"It is further directed that if in future, the Respondent herein similarly fails to comply with orders of the Court in any legal proceedings where he is a party, the record of the present contempt petition shall be read in evidence and the subsequent conduct will be considered as an aggravated contempt of the Court within the meaning of Section 2(c) of the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971. It is directed that the Respondent herein will be under an obligation to disclose this order to the Court in which any subsequent contempt proceedings is filed against him."

The observations and directions in Paragraph 29 of the Judgment are baffling. Section 2 (c) of the Contempt of Courts Act does not talk of aggravated contempt.  That provision defines criminal contempt which is an entirely different offence from the civil contempt which was in issue in the instant case. The observations in paragraph 29 also violate Article 20 of the Constitution of India and the fundamental right against double jeopardy as codified in that Article which interalia guarantees that "No person shall be prosecuted and punished for the same offence more than once". This tendency to brand the Contemnor forever that is often found in Contempt of Court decisions is incorrect as judged on the anvil of law, justice and fair play.

Overall the judgment of the Delhi High Court dated March 16, 2023 in Parnita Kapoor versus Arvind Malik does not read like a fair, just and objective resolution of the dispute and creates a sense of unease with the manner in which the contempt power of the Court itself causes grave prejudice to a Party. 

The question of imprisonment for a civil debt itself raises questions of fundamental rights and human rights. The global trend is against imprisonment for failure to pay a civil debt. In its decision in Ramasamy vs Pushpa, the Madras High Court on 13 March, 2017 considered these issues and clarified that "Now, it is firmly settled that even in an execution petition under Order XXI Rule 37 C.P.C., simply because the decree holder wishes that the judgment debtor should be made to count the bars of a Civil prison on account of his inability to pay the decree debt, the Court could not send the debtor to jail unless he has current ability to clear off the debt or he has malafide refusal or he has some other vice or mens rea apart from his failure to foot the decree."

The decision of the Delhi High Court in Parnita Kapoor has sent a man to prison for six months simply for failure to pay a civil debt. The Court made no inquiry into the means of the Party, into his current ability to pay the debt, and into the reasons for his failure to pay the debt. The Court simply assumed wilful default and sent the Party to prison for six months. 

The decision of the Delhi High Court in Parnita Kapoor is against the spirit of Article 11of the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights which states that - No one shall be imprisoned merely on the ground of inability to fulfil a contractual obligation. The Delhi High Court in Parnita Kapoor also failed to carry out the balancing mandated by the Supreme Court of India in its decision in Jolly George Verghese & Anr vs The Bank Of Cochin on 4 February, 1980 {1980 AIR 470, 1980 SCR (2) 913{ between the provisions providing for imprisonment for failure to pay a civil debt and Article 11 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights read with Article 21 of the Constitution of India. 

Sunday, February 26, 2023

Delhi & District Cricket Association (DDCA) plagued by Conflict of Interest of its Office Bearers

Lawyer Maninder Singh, one of the Government nominees on the DDCA Management Committee disqualified by conflict of interest, yet appointed. 

How did Senior Advocate Maninder Singh, who is closest to Jaitley & family become a Government of India nominee on the DDCA Apex Council. Clear conflict of interest. A Government nominee should be independent, Maninder Singh, Arun Jaitley's former junior is like family to Rohan Jaitley, the DDCA President. Sports Minister Anurag Thakur must answer.

How did retired Supreme Court of India Judge  Ms. Indu Malhotra get appointed as ombudsperson of DDCA when she is very close to the late Arun Jaitley's family. Apparently Rohan Jaitley the DDCA President calls Ms. Indu Malhotra 'Bua' (Father's Sister) or Aunt. Once again this is a case of clear conflict of interest.

Saturday, February 18, 2023

Making the Supreme Court of India accessible to litigants appearing in person

The low stature of litigants in person who appear before the Supreme Court of India & how should the Court treat them. Should the Supreme Court allow a litigant who is appearing in person to speak in Hindi if he so requests 

- Seema Sapra 

I was sitting in Justice Aravind Kumar's Court in the Supreme Court of India on 17 February 2023 while he was hearing Chamber Matters sitting singly. 

A man appeared before him as a litigant in person with a case listed. He was accompanied, as is now the norm for litigants appearing in person, by a Policeman. 

The litigant politely requested the Court if he could address it in Hindi. Justice Aravind Kumar's response was in my opinion unjust. The Judge said and I paraphrase - I will understand you if you speak in Hindi but the language of the Supreme Court is English. The litigant replied that he had on earlier occasions been permitted to address the Court in Hindi  by a  different Judge. I was hoping that the Judge would go on to show some sympathy to the aggrieved litigant and hear him in Hindi. The Judge did not even bother to decline the litigant's request for being heard in Hindi. The Judge made no attempt to solve the problem being faced by the litigant on account of his language impediment. The Judge did not even look at why the matter was listed and if any order could have been passed that day. Instead Justice Aravind Kumar simply directed the matter to be adjourned for 4 weeks and laughed as he did so. Meanwhile the confused and intimidated litigant profusely thanked the Judge and was led away by the Police. 

The man did not get justice that day. He did not even get a hearing. His case got further delayed by 4 weeks or more. And most unfortunate of all, the ordinary citizen standing before the Supreme Court that day seeking justice did not even get respect. 

The Supreme Court allows litigants to address the Court in person. It must then also provide an effective opportunity for a hearing to these litigants appearing in person. The Judge ought to have shown more compassion and should have taken some trouble to help this litigant. The Judge could easily have heard him in Hindi. However high a Judge might sit, he is a public servant employed to provide justice and to do so with compassion, sympathy and respect for the citizen standing before the Court. The real test of a Judge is how he treats poor, ordinary litigants in person, persons with the lowest stature in the Supreme Court.  

Several questions need to be asked. Should the Supreme Court not allow a litigant appearing in person to address the Court in Hindi, especially if the Judges on the Bench can speak Hindi? What other steps can the Supreme Court take to facilitate a hearing for a litigant appearing in person and facing difficulties whether on account of language or otherwise.? What effect does it have on a litigant appearing in person before the Supreme Court to be effectively in Police custody for the hearing, from the time of his/her entering the high security zone of the Supreme Court and until he/she exits that zone? Can any security concerns not be addressed in a less intrusive and less disrespectful way. Would a court official accompanying such litigant inside the high security zone of the Supreme Court not be a better way to address any security concerns instead of subjecting all litigants in person to what is nothing but police custody. Litigants who enter the high security zone and court rooms of the Supreme Court and who are represented by lawyers are not similarly escorted by the Police at all times. 

The Supreme Court speaking through its Chief Justices and its Judges claims to want to make the Court more accessible. Thus the Supreme Court is institutionally working toward making the Court more accessible to the People by the use of technology, the provision of facilities like virtual hearings as part of a hybrid system, the creation of off-site virtual hearing centres, online public databases of judgments, providing translations of its judgments into Indian languages other than English, live streaming of Court proceedings, and even the constitution of a Committee to conduct a disabled accessibility audit of the Supreme Court premises, among other measures. A Supreme Court that values accessibility should therefore always remain open and welcoming to litigants appearing in person. Unfortunately however, the Supreme Court of India is increasingly becoming a fortress with very controlled access and the hardest hit are litigants who choose to file and argue their cases on their own without using lawyers. 

Saturday, February 11, 2023

The Indian "Collegium" system of Judges appointing Judges created by the Supreme Court of India by the device of a 'Constitutional interpretation' not only harms judicial independence but also promotes judicial corruption

- Seema Sapra 

The ongoing debate about how Judges should be selected in India must start by asking how has the Indian Judiciary performed in the last three decades, i.e., during the period that the Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges has prevailed. It must ask if the Collegium system has selected good Judges. It must question what ails the Indian Judiciary, and why are Indian citizens, the consumers of the justice delivery system so unsatisfied with it.

The ongoing debate about the Collegium system must also start with an objective description and critical analysis grounded in facts and data of how the Collegium system has actually worked rather than simply mouthing doctrines like separation of powers, judicial independence, and basic structure in defence of the Collegium system. How far do these doctrines justify the Collegium system? Has the Collegium system actually resulted in greater judicial independence? How has it affected the governance principle of separation of powers under the Constitution of India? And how has the Collegium system contributed to the preservation of the basic structure of the Constitution of India. Or does the Collegium system damage the basic structure of the Constitution of India. Has the Collegium system resulted in harm to the independence and accountability of the Judiciary. Has the Collegium system resulted in Judges grabbing the power and authority which must properly lie elsewhere, thereby violating the constitutional principle of separation of powers. 

Far from protecting judicial independence, the Supreme Court created Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges in fact has made the High Courts and High Court Judges subservient to the Supreme Court and has harmed judicial independence. This point was also recently made by a retired Judge of the Delhi High Court, Justice Sodhi.

The Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges has also made the legal Bar or the lawyer community subservient to Judges or the Bench, thereby again harming Judicial independence as a strong Bar is essential to hold Judges accountable. The Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges has emasculated the lawyer community or the legal Bar, at least in the Supreme Court and the Delhi High Court.

Under the Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges, Chief Justices of the High Courts & the Supreme Court often appoint lower judicial officers as Court Registry Officers & subsequently promote them as High Court Judges. The lower judiciary officer picked up to be say the Registrar General of a High Court, is beholden to the Chief Justice of the High Court, reports to him, is amenable to pressure, & eager to please the Judges and especially the Collegium Judges in hopes of an offer of a High Court Judgeship. The Court Registrar's Office gets calls from High Court Judges not just for official work but also for personal work and requests. Such a situation is very unhealthy and creates the possibility of abuse. Such Registry officials can be influenced to act unethically or for extraneous reasons. Such Court Registrars hoping to please Judges who could recommend them for Judgeship are not able to perform their duties professionally and without undue influence. In this manner, the Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges also harms the independence of Court Registries and of Registry Officials.

The Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges has resulted in widespread nepotism in Judicial appointments, where across generations, close relatives of Judges get appointed as Judges overlooking several much more suitable and qualified candidates who are not even being considered. None of the prominent lawyers, ex-Judges, politicians who have spoken up in support of the Collegium system have addressed the elephant in the room- the charge of nepotism in judicial appointments where far too many children & relatives of former Judges are selected to be Judges. Nepotism in judicial appointments by the Collegium is nothing but a form of judicial corruption, which must be called out to save our justice delivery systems.

Under the Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges, basic rules like conflict of interest are being flouted. Judge B who was appointed as Judge by Judge A, goes on to appoint Judge A's son C as a Judge. Such actions are in clear violation of the conflict of interest rule.

The Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges flouts basic rules like conflict of interest. Judge X appoints Y as Judge, knowing fully well that children & close relatives of Judge X will appear as lawyers before Judge Y. This violates the conflict of interest rule.

The Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges is directly responsible for a large increase in judicial corruption.

Some Questions, Propositions, and Problems

The functioning of the Collegium, its decision-making process is completely opaque and non-transparent. It is a black box which suddenly comes up with a name for appointment as a High Court or a Supreme Court Judge and expects that its decision must be respected and obeyed by the Government and by everyone else. The only output that the Collegium makes available is a resolution stating that a person be appointed as a Judge.

There are no written rules setting out how the Collegium functions, or the criteria used to shortlist candidates or select Judges, or the procedure followed by the Collegium to consider, scrutinise and assess a person as a candidate for a Judgeship. .

The Collegium claims to keep no minutes of its meetings, no written record of its functioning or of its deliberations and keeps no written record of reasons for selection or rejection of a name to be appointed as a Judge.

The Collegium claims that its records are not covered by the Right to Information Act, are not public, and can not be shared with anyone.

The Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges is not subject to judicial review. The closed, secret, opaque, untransparent system of the Collegium appointing Judges is unaccountable. There is no mechanism for review of or appeal from a Collegium resolution by a body external to the Collegium. According to the Supreme Court, the decision of its Collegium of Judges to appoint a Supreme Court or a High Court Judge is final and binding even on the Government of India.

The present Chief Justice of India Mr D Y Chandrachud joined the Supreme Court Collegium on 24 April 2021 and will remain with it till 10 November 2024. This is a very long and influential Collegium tenure of over 3.5 years. During his tenure with the Collegium, Justice D Y Chandrachud will have been responsible (albeit with other Collegium Judges) for selecting almost a complete Full Bench of Supreme Court Judges, for selecting hundreds of High court Judges across the country, for selecting all Chief Justices of all High Courts, and for scores of transfers of High Court Judges. This long Collegium tenure makes him possibly the most powerful Supreme Court Judge ever. The question to be asked is this - is such concentration of power in a single individual desirable or healthy? That Justice D Y Chandrachud would hold and exercise this immense power was publicly known since 13 May 2016, the date on which he was appointed as a Judge of the Supreme Court of India. It was especially known even prior to that date to the persons and authorities who appointed him to the Supreme Court in May 2016. What are the implications of this and what conclusions can be drawn.

A Bench of Supreme Court Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and Abhay Oka are hearing a Contempt Petition filed by a lawyer association against Law Ministry Officials for the alleged failure/ delay on the part of the Government of India to appoint Judges recommended by the Supreme Court Collegium. Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul is part of the Collegium and Justice Oka will be part of the Collegium in the future. Should these two Judges be hearing this matter therefore. Are they not acting as Judges in their own cause. Is there not a conflict of interest in them hearing this case. This case also creates a unique Constitutional or Unconstitutional moment where the Supreme Court has threatened the Government of India with "unpalatable consequences" in its contempt jurisdiction for the latter's failure to appoint those persons as Judges who the Supreme Court Collegium (comprised of Judges) has selected.

The Collegium has informally created two classes of Judges in each High Court and in the Supreme Court - those Judges who are or will be members of the respective Collegiums and those Judges who will never be part of the Collegium.

The appointment of Justice Victoria Gowri

The recommendation of Justice Victoria Gowri as a Judge of the Madras High Court by the Supreme Court Collegium on 17 January 2023; the subsequent publicity of her problematic previously expressed views on Islam, Christianity, conversions, and on "Love Jihad"; the representations made to the Collegium against her proposed appointment; the filing of two Writ Petitions in the Supreme Court challenging the Collegium Resolution recommending Gowri as a Judge; her appointment as Judge by the Government of India on 6 February 2023 following the Collegium recommendation; the listing of these writ petitions for hearing by Chief Justice Chandrachud on 7 February 2023, the notification by the Madras High Court for the swearing in of Justice Gowri on 7 February 2023; the attempts to get the writ petitions heard before the swearing in; the ultimate hearing of these writ petitions after 10.30 am on 7 February 2023; the swearing in of Justice Gowri in the Madras High Court while these petitions were being heard in the Supreme Court; and the ultimate dismissal of these writ petitions by a Supreme Court Bench of Justice Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Gavai with detailed reasons to follow not only constituted high drama bordering on farce but also in the span of a few days exposed much that is wrong with the judicially created Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges.

First we must assume that the Collegium Judges did their research on Ms Victoria Gowri and knew of her publicly expressed views and also knew that Ms Gowri was a member of Prime Minister Modi's political party, the BJP, and was an office bearer of the BJP. We must assume this because the Collegium Judges and all votaries of the Collegium have maintained that they conduct a very thorough scrutiny of a candidate before recommending her for Judgeship. The Collegium Judges have also maintained that they do their own independent scrutiny of a candidate and the reports from the Government and Intelligence Bureau are supplemental and supportive. We must assume that the Collegium Judges knew these facts about Ms Gowri, because these were facts ascertainable by a simple Google search, by a simple scrutiny of her social media posts, and it is inconceivable that the Collegium does not even engage in this level of basic scrutiny of a potential candidate for the position of a High Court Judge.

If the Collegium claims to be unaware of these facts about Ms Gowri, then this itself exposes a major flaw in the working of the Collegium. The process adopted by the Collegium for scrutinising candidates is therefore flawed. Such a basic flaw in the process adopted for appointing High Court and Supreme Court Judges by a five member group comprised of the 5 senior most Judges in the country (the Collegium), shows that unless these five senior most Judges lack basic common sense, the factors that play a role in the Collegium's selection of Judges are arbitrary, extraneous, and that the decision making process is itself arbitrary and incorrect. Can the Collegium be trusted to select any other person as a Judge if its scrutiny process failed to unearth these basic facts about Ms Gowri.

Or should we assume that the Collegium was aware of these facts about Ms Gowri but reached the conclusion that these revelations about Ms Gowri did not disqualify her to be a Judge on the ground of unsuitability. The Supreme Court's response came in the statement of future Chief Justice of India Mr Gavai made during the hearing - "You have to trust the system".


Tuesday, February 7, 2023

What the appointment of Justice Victoria Gowri tells us about the judicially created Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges

- Seema Sapra

The recommendation of Justice Victoria Gowri as a Judge of the Madras High Court by the Supreme Court Collegium on 17 January 2023; the subsequent publicity of her problematic previously expressed views on Islam, Christianity, conversions, and on "Love Jihad"; the representations made to the Collegium against her proposed appointment; the filing of two Writ Petitions in the Supreme Court challenging the Collegium Resolution recommending Gowri as a Judge; her appointment as Judge by the Government of India on 6 February 2023 following the Collegium recommendation; the listing of these writ petitions for hearing by Chief Justice Chandrachud on 7 February 2023, the notification by the Madras High Court for the swearing in of Justice Gowri on 7 February 2023; the attempts to get the writ petitions heard before the swearing in; the ultimate hearing of these writ petitions after 10.30 am on 7 February 2023; the swearing in of Justice Gowri in the Madras High Court while these petitions were being heard in the Supreme Court; and the ultimate dismissal of these writ petitions by a Supreme Court Bench of Justice Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Gavai with detailed reasons to follow not only constituted high drama bordering on farce but also in the span of a few days exposed much that is wrong with the judicially created Collegium system of Judges appointing Judges. 

First we must assume that the Collegium Judges did their research on Ms Victoria Gowri and knew of her publicly expressed views and also knew that Ms Gowri was a member of Prime Minister Modi's political party, the BJP,  and was an office bearer of the BJP. We must assume this because the Collegium Judges and all votaries of the Collegium have maintained that they conduct a very thorough scrutiny of a candidate before recommending her for Judgeship.  The Collegium Judges have also maintained that they do their own independent scrutiny of a candidate and the reports from the Government and Intelligence Bureau are supplemental and supportive. We must assume that the Collegium Judges knew these facts about Ms Gowri, because these were facts ascertainable by a simple Google search, by a simple scrutiny of her social media posts, and it is inconceivable that the Collegium does not even engage in this level of basic scrutiny of a potential candidate for the position of a High Court Judge. 

If the Collegium claims to be unaware of these facts about Ms Gowri, then this itself exposes a major flaw in the working of the Collegium. The process adopted by the Collegium for scrutinising candidates is therefore flawed. Such a basic flaw in the process adopted for appointing High Court and Supreme Court Judges by a five member group comprised of the 5 senior most Judges in the country (the Collegium), shows that unless these five senior most Judges lack basic common sense, the factors that play a role in the Collegium's selection of Judges are arbitrary, extraneous, and that the decision making process is itself arbitrary and incorrect. Can the Collegium be trusted to select any other person as a Judge if its scrutiny process failed to unearth these basic facts about Ms Gowri. 

Or should we assume that the Collegium was aware of these facts about Ms Gowri but reached the conclusion that these revelations about Ms Gowri did not disqualify her to be a Judge on the ground of unsuitability. 

The Supreme Court's response came in the statement of future Chief Justice of India Mr Gavai made during the hearing - "You have to trust the system". 

Sunday, January 15, 2023

Can a lawyer who chooses to establish permanent residence and principal legal practice overseas, practice law in India under the Advocates Act, and appear before Indian Courts through video link. Does the Advocates Act have extra-territorial jurisdiction?

 Question under consideration

The Demonetisation judgment of the Supreme Court of India - preliminary observations and questions

Why did the Court reframe the questions of law and fact before it.

Did the lawyers who appeared in 2022 concede on very crucial questions of law. Why? 

The same happened in the Aadhar case, when the crucial issue of right to identity and the likelihood of identity theft was not argued by the lawyers who focused on the right to privacy. 

Why did Chidambaram argue that Section 26(2) of the RBI Act had to be read down instead of arguing that the demonetisation notification was ultra vires this provision. Shyam Divan's arguments were completely off the mark. 

Are the written pleadings and submissions in the case available?

Did the lawyers throw this case? Like they threw the Aadhar case. 

I found  https://srajagopalan.substack.com/p/supreme-court-of-india-on-demonetization a very interesting read. Its titled Supreme Court of India on Demonetization - A Farce in Three Acts

Also is “Every noble cause claims its martyr” an original Supreme Court quotation?

Here is the link to my 2016 post on Demonetisation

https://seemasapralaw.blogspot.com/2016/11/why-narendra-modis-demonetization-law.html

Thursday, January 12, 2023

Why the Delhi High Court Bar Association erred in passing a resolution against a lawyer who was issued court notice for criminal contempt for his alleged misbehaviour before a Delhi High Court Judge

On 14 December 2022, a lawyer named Shakti Chand Rana allegedly misbehaved in Court before a Delhi High Court Judge who passed an order stating that Rana's conduct prima facie amounted to criminal contempt under Section 14 of the Contempt of Court Act, and requesting the Chief Justice to take cognizance of such contempt. 

Pursuant to this order, a Division Bench of the Delhi High Court heard the suo moto contempt case against this lawyer on 19 December and issued notice to him to show cause as to why contempt proceedings be not initiated against him. 

All this is fine, as the process of law has been set in motion, and and that process ought to proceed with all constitutional safeguards. 

However, on 16 December, the Executive Committee of the Delhi High Court Bar Association (DHCBA) issued a resolution noting with "grave concern" that the lawyer "apparently misbehaved and created nuisance and disruption of court proceedings" and strongly condemned this behaviour and reiterated that "such conduct is unacceptable and against the dignity of this Bar."

The DHCBA resolution then went on to state that:

"It is further resolved that said lawyer should be dealt with a heavy hand and stern action be taken against him, which should be a reminder to all to never belittle the majesty of law or act in an indiscipline or disrespect manner."

Unpopular Opinion

The Executive Committee of the DHCBA ought not to have issued this resolution. It was unnecessary as the legal process to address the incident was already in motion and the law will and ought to take its own course. 

The resolution improperly condemns the lawyer without a hearing, creates a factual narrative without a hearing, and exhorts the Bench to deal with the lawyer with a heavy hand and sternness, all of which violate the constitutional rights of the alleged contemnor, including the right to be treated as innocent until proven guilty, the right to natural justice, and the right to a free and fair trial. 

The Executive Committee of the DHCBA would have done well to not issue such a resolution and to let the law take its own course. 

The Executive Committee of the DHCBA is an elected body to represent lawyers. It is expected to observe the rule of law and to facilitate it. It is expected to establish a balanced relationship between the Bench and the Bar to promote the objective of Justice.

In this case the Executive Committee of the DHCBA could be viewed as pandering to the Court and as trampling upon the rights of the alleged contemnor in the process. It was all unnecessary and best avoided. 

And finally in wanting to make an example of the lawyer so that his fate "should be a reminder to all to never belittle the majesty of law or act in an indiscipline or disrespect manner", the Executive Committee of the DHCBA erred in assuming that the severity of the punishment for criminal contempt should be influenced by it acting as a deterrent to others. That is not the case. 

The lawyer must be allowed to defend himself. 

See news reports at https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/delhi-news/delhi-hc-contempt-notice-to-lawyer-who-disrupted-proceedings-for-45-mins-101671518356626.html

and at https://lawstreet.co/judiciary/hc-bar-assn-condemns-conduct-of-lawyer;-demands?fbclid=IwAR2jiQXEb2vZJAojvgc1L6hqwPQwfx6Pk-aAWwDm91P4xta03wmM-ffySRI#.Y6bvc5SmvC8.facebook

Was it improper for Chief Justice of India D Y Chandrachud to accept an Award for Global Leadership from the Harvard Law School Center on the Legal Profession

On 11th January 2023, the Harvard Law School Center on the Legal Profession presented Chief Justice DY Chandrachud with the Award for Global Leadership. 

See https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/legal-profession-feudalistic-unwelcoming-of-women-marginalised-communities-cji-chandrachud-speaks-about-his-harvard-law-thesis-more-218725

An unpopular opinion 

Chief Justice D Y Chandrachud should have refused to accept the award. Such awards can be viewed as interfering with the independence of the Judiciary. A sitting Judge should never accept any award whether from the Government or from a private entity. Why should the Chief Justice of India accept an award from a foreign entity? Why would Harvard Law School confer the award at this time when Justice Chandrachud has assumed the Office of the Chief Justice of India, and with almost two years to go before he retires? The Office of the Chief Justice of India does not exist to provide "Global Leadership". A US Supreme Court Judge would never accept such an award. 

The Government of India through the President's Office should have advised Chief Justice D Y Chandrachud to not accept the award. 

In 2018, then Acting Chief Justice of Delhi High Court, Justice Gita Mittal was awarded the "Nari Shakti Puraskar" by the Government of India through the Ministry of Women and Child Development. Justice Gita Mittal was criticized by several lawyers for accepting this award as it was seen as potentially interfering with her independence as a Judge. Gita Mittal was the first sitting Judge in India to receive an award from the Government of India. See https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2018/mar/09/experts-slam-nari-shakti-puraskar-award-for-delhi-high-court-judge-gita-mittal-1784270.html

The Government of India having awarded Justice Gita Mittal as a sitting Judge created a bad precedent which perhaps has led to its silence on Chief Justice Chandrachud in accepting an award from Harvard University. 

Another Judge who has accepted an 'Honor' from a private entity and that too a foreign entity is Justice Pratibha Singh of the Delhi High Court. Justice Pratibha Singh was elected to and accepted an honorary fellowship of Hughes Hall College of Cambridge University in 2022. Such an affiliation by a sitting Judge might again be viewed as improper with the potential to affect her independence as a Judge. See https://www.hughes.cam.ac.uk/about/news/hughes-hall-announces-new-honorary-fellows/

Wednesday, February 23, 2022

Why does Chief Justice of India N V Ramana not want to open the Supreme Court of India?

Chief Justice of India N V Ramana does not want to open the Supreme Court of India because according to him, Omicron is a silent killer and he has been suffering for 25 days. See https://www.barandbench.com/news/omicron-a-silent-killer-i-have-been-suffering-25-days-cji-nv-ramana

Its time to remind Justice Ramana that open physical courts are a part of the basic structure of the Constitution of India. Omicron is mild and practically harmless. That is the scientific consensus. Justice Ramana is neither a doctor nor a scientist. The Supreme Court is fast running out of excuses to keep the courts closed. 

Saturday, February 19, 2022

Issue No. 2 of Delivering Justice - a newsletter with critical commentary by lawyer Seema Sapra

Issue No. 2 of Delivering Justice - a newsletter with critical commentary by lawyer Seema Sapra

Governance of the country through Committees of Retired Judges appointed by sitting Judges – A Bad Idea? 

 A short comment on the order dated 11.2.2022 of Delhi High Court Judge Rekha Palli in the matter of the Table Tennis Federation of India (W.P.(C) 10590/2021). 

A Committee chaired by a retired Supreme Court Judge is probing the cause of a security breach in the security of the Indian Prime Minister and has been directed to recommend further action to prevent similar incidents and recommend required safeguards for the safety of the Prime Minister. A Committee headed by a retired Supreme Court Judge is investigating whether and how the Government of India used an Israeli software named Pegasus to spy on Indian citizens. A Committee chaired by a former Supreme Court Judge is overseeing the execution of environmental remedial measures recommended by another Supreme Court appointed High Powered Committee for the environment in respect of a Himalayan road-widening project of the Ministry of Defence. The Union Government Ministries of Road and Defence have been directed by the Supreme Court to give monthly reports to the Committee headed by the retired Judge, which would in turn report to the Supreme Court every four months. A one-man Committee comprised of a former Supreme Court Judge inquired into whether there was a larger conspiracy against the Judiciary behind the sexual harassment complaint made by a female Supreme Court staffer against the then sitting Chief Justice of India. Another one-man committee of a former Supreme Court Judge was appointed to monitor and suggest steps to prevent stubble burning in Punjab, Haryana & Uttar Pradesh. 

These are but a few stray examples of the many committees appointed by the Supreme Court of India and by the High Courts and comprised of retired Judges which are essentially tasked with performing either governance, or regulatory, or enforcement or investigative functions, even though these functions do not fall within the domain of the Judiciary. Such Committees are not only appointed by the Judiciary, but they also report back to the Judiciary and are accountable only to the Judicial Bench which appointed them. This phenomenon of governance by committees of retired judges is very unique to India. It is also problematic in several ways and raises difficult and uncomfortable questions about the quality of governance in India, the negative impact of such judicial orders on the quality of governance and on the quality of governance institutions in India, and about the quality of justice delivery systems in India. 

This short comment does not purport to examine the larger questions this phenomenon of governance by committees of retired judges raises because these questions are worthy of a substantial research project. Some of these larger questions are the following. Are retired Judges qualified, competent and the best suited to carry out these tasks they are being given? Are the procedures of these Committees suited to those tasks of governance? Are the outcomes of these Committee processes good or bad outcomes? Do these Committees impede the development and/or improvement of governance, regulatory, enforcement and investigative institutions of India? Does such governance by Committees result in the Judiciary exceeding its mandate under the Constitution of India by going much further than what the judicial function involves? Have these Committees resulted in the increasing concentration of power where it matters most, into and within a small group of closely-connected individuals comprised of Sitting and Retired Judges of the Supreme Court of India and the Sitting and Retired Judges of three or four High Courts? This issue acquires significance as the ‘Collegium’ based Judicial appointments process in India means that Judges are appointing Judges. Is such concentration of power within a small unelected and unaccountable group of persons desirable and does it evade the checks and balances of the Constitutional system? Is such concentration of power a positive or negative development for the goal of good governance? Can such concentration of power be misused or misdirected toward unlawful ends? Can such concentration of power be misused or misdirected by the executive branch of the government? And finally, should Sitting Supreme Court and High Court Judges appoint retired Judges (who might have played a role in appointing the former to the Judiciary) to financially lucrative positions? 

It is in light of the larger issues raised above, that I look at the order dated 11.2.2022 of the Delhi High Court passed by Judge Rekha Palli in the matter of the Table Tennis Federation of India (W.P.(C) 10590/2021), whereby she has appointed a three member Committee headed by former High Court Judge Gita Mittal to take over the administration of the Table Tennis Federation of India in a writ petition filed by a table tennis player complaining that a coach of the Federation asked her to deliberately drop a match during the selection process for the team for an international tournament. A similar exercise was undertaken by the Supreme Court when the Court appointed Committee acted as the Board for Cricket Control in India (BCCI) for 17 months to enable reform of the cricketing body. There were no retired Judges in the Committee appointed by the Supreme Court to administer the BCCI, but the Committee’s functioning was not always successful and the outcome (in so far as reforming the cash-rich and corrupt BCCI and removing the BCCI from the clutches of powerful politicians) was arguably a failure. The two Supreme Court Committees in the BCCI case also cost a whopping Rs. 16 Crores. 

The Writ Petition before Justice Rekha Palli did not contain a prayer to dissolve or take over the administration of the Table Tennis Federation of India. Manika Batra, the Petitioner, challenged certain selection rules and complained that a coach asked her to drop a match to facilitate the selection of another player. The Petitioner additionally alleged retaliation by the Federation after she made her complaint against the coach and alleged that the selection rules were brought in to prevent her from qualifying. An important order passed by Justice Rekha Palli on 23 September 2021 is not uploaded to the website of the Delhi High Court. By that order, Justice Palli stayed the operation of the rules under challenge, and directed the Government of India through the Ministry of Sport to inquire into the complaints made by the Petitioner (the First Inquiry). The inquiry report of the Ministry of Sport prepared by a committee headed by a Joint Secretary of the Ministry of Sport was inexplicably filed before the Court in a sealed cover and was not disclosed to any of the parties to the case. On 17 November 2021, Justice Palli found this secret enquiry report of the Ministry of Sport to be unsatisfactory and she appointed another three-member committee to examine the Petitioner’s complaints (the Second Inquiry). This Committee comprised of two former judges both having served in the Supreme Court and the Delhi High Court, and an 82-year-old former track and field athlete. Justice Palli also restrained the Table Tennis Federation of India from approaching the International Table Tennis Federation in respect of the Petitioner. 

In para 7 of her order dated 11.02.2022, Justice Palli laments the unsatisfactory state of affairs prevailing in the Table Tennis Federation of India as disclosed by the secret report of the three-member committee constituted by her on 17 November 2021 (the Second Inquiry Report). This second inquiry report was inexplicably also produced before the Court in sealed cover and neither the parties nor the media were given access to it. 

Without making the two successive enquiry reports commissioned by her public or available to the parties to the case, Justice Palli uses her conclusions from these reports to hold in her order dated 11/02.2022 that “This Court is, therefore, of the opinion that till a deeper scrutiny of respondent no.1’s affairs is carried out, either by the Union of India or by an independent Committee, a Committee of Administrators is required to be immediately appointed to conduct the affairs of the respondent no.1 federation.” 

The reasons given by Justice Palli to reach this conclusion are vague, thin on facts, and non-specific (given that the two reports remained sealed) and her order can only be termed non-speaking and unreasoned. Justice Palli relies upon two principal conclusions, first that the Table Tennis Federation of India did not respond appropriately to the complaints of the Petitioner and went on to intimidate her and second that the national coach who the Petitioner had complained about was allowed to run a personal training academy resulting in a conflict of interest. Given that the two inquiry reports remained secret and sealed, the factual defence if any, of the Federation finds no mention or consideration in the order of Justice Palli. 

Justice Palli’s order indicates that despite two successive enquiry reports, she was of the opinion that further additional inquiry into the affairs of the Table Tennis Federation was warranted. However, she states that she has deferred such an order for further inquiry at the request of the Federation’s Counsel. Justice Palli finally gave the Federation access to the second inquiry report of the three-member committee only by order dated 11.2.202 and after an administrator was already appointed to take over the functioning and management of the Federation. Justice Palli denied the request of the Federation’s counsel for a copy of the first enquiry report of the Ministry of Sport with the strange reasoning that it had become irrelevant after the second inquiry report. 

The Committee of Administrators appointed by Justice Pallli to take over the functioning of the Table Tennis Federation of India comprises Ms Gita Mittal, a former Judge of the Delhi High Court and a former Chief Justice of Jammu & Kashmir High Court, a Chandigarh based lawyer Mr. Chetan Mittal, and an athlete Mr. SD Mudgil. Ms Gita Mittal has no domain expertise in Table Tennis or Sport management. Neither does lawyer Chetan Mittal. In fact, it is unclear why Mr Chetan Mittal was selected for this Committee. Mr Chetan Mittal has ties to the BJP and the RSS, and until recently was an Assistant Solicitor General for the Government of India before the Chandigarh High Court. He was discharged by the President of India from this position on 30.12.2021. In 2015, the Enforcement Directorate raided Mr Chetan Mittal’s brother Mr Mukesh Mittal on money laundering, forgery, land-grabbing and cheating complaints. Mr Chetan Mittal’s name and the names of family members of a Chandigarh High Court Judge also cropped up in complaints as a result. (See https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/money-laundering-case-advocate-three-others-booked-after-ed-raids-2/) I could not find any information on the internet about the athlete Mr S D Mudgil. 

This Committee of Administrators has been granted complete control over the affairs of the Table Tennis Federation of India including the power to sign checks. The appointment appears open-ended with the Administrators directed to file reports in Court every two months. Justice Rekha Palli has fixed the monthly honorarium to be paid to the members of the Committee of Administrators, at INR 3 lakhs for the Chairperson (Ms Gita Mittal), and INR 1 lakh each for the two members. 

The case has been adjourned to April 13, 2022 for further consideration. 

Justice Palli erred in allowing the two enquiry reports to be filed in sealed cover and in her failure to share them with the parties and in open Court at the appropriate time. This violated the principle of natural justice and also resulted in an unreasoned and unconvincing order. The use of sealed covers and secret reports by Justice Palli violates the law clarified by the Supreme Court in T. Takano vs Securities and Exchange Board of India in CA 487-488 of 2022 on 18 Feb 2022 that all material relied upon by an adjudicating authority must be shared with the Parties. See https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/supreme-court-quasi-judicial-authority-disclose-material-adjudication-t-takano-vs-securities-and-exchange-board-of-india-192286. 

Further cause for concern is the composition of the Committee of Administrators appointed by Justice Rekha Palli. None of these three individuals appears to be an appropriate choice. 

Justice Rekha Palli’s order appointing an administrator for the Table Tennis Federation appears premature, uncalled-for, flawed and inappropriate in a writ petition where there was no specific prayer for this. It appears as if the Judge went on a fishing inquiry and all appearing counsel including those for the Government of India and even for the Federation did not adequately resist the appointment of an administrator. While reform is certainly needed in the management of sport in India, the process being adopted here might end up handing over control of the Table Tennis Federation to the BJP as has happened in the case of the BCCI where the son of the BJP Government’s powerful Home Minister now controls the BCCI. The intervention of the Courts in the BCCI reform process should ideally have been geared toward the creation of an effective regulatory institution for sport management bodies in India. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court’s intervention in the BCCI case did not lead in this direction. Justice Rekha Palli’s intervention in the case of the Table Tennis Federation of India and its reliance upon a committee of former Judges and lawyers is also unfortunately an ad-hoc, non-optimal measure which is unlikely to lead to long-lasting and systemic overhaul of sports management in India. 

And lastly, the question needs to be asked. Is it appropriate that Justice Rekha Palli has appointed former Judge Ms Gita Mittal to a financially lucrative position when the latter was part of the Collegium bodies that recommended the appointment of Justice Rekha Palli to the Bench?

Issue No. 1 of Delivering Justice - a newsletter with critical commentary by lawyer Seema Sapra

1. Apparently the Delhi High Court Judges met in Full Court on 9 February 2022 to decide on opening up the Delhi High Court now that almost all Covid related restrictions have been lifted in Delhi. Why then has no official communication in this regard still been issued to the public. The Rajya Sabha was told by the Law Minister Rijiju that 19895 cases are pending before the Delhi High Court which are between 5-10 years old. The total pendency is much higher. 2. How was the case on the constitutionality of the marital rape exception being heard by the Delhi High Court when it was only supposed to be hearing extremely urgent cases on account of Covid restrictions. 3. The Supreme Court of India has announced that it is reverting to the case hearing procedure that it was following till December 2021. Why do the Supreme Court Judges not want the Court to open up fully. Why have physical hearings on only two days in a week starting next week. 4. What is driving this abdication of their judicial duty by these Supreme Court Judges and Delhi High Court Judges? Seema Sapra

Sunday, April 21, 2019

Should Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi step down from the Constitutional Post? #MeToo

The only right thing to do now would be for CJI Ranjan Gogoi to step down in the interest of the Judiciary and in order to maintain the respect of the Supreme Court. 
Whatever be the truth here, 'something' was brewing for the past several months and what is damning given present information is how J. Ranjan Gogoi and the Supreme Court Registry acting under him dealt with the situation. There was an attempt to cover up. The circumstances in which the woman was dismissed from service in an inquiry conducted without her when she had actually physically collapsed in the Supreme Court show this. A number of persons including Supreme Court Registrars, SHOs, the Police Commissioner, DCPs etc have been mentioned in the woman's complaint and they need to be questioned as witnesses. 
How can J. Ranjan Gogoi continue as CJI in these crcumstances? What moral authority will he be seen to have? How will he continue to hear cases and pass administrative orders? 
An investigation is needed and this investigation will take time. 
J. Ranjan Gogoi should consider stepping down as CJI or proceeding on a leave of absence until this is resolved one way or the other. 
The constitution of a Bench to hear the issue of an "alleged threat to the judiciary" stemming from this complaint in which J. Ranjan Gogoi included himself and his statements from that Bench vilifying and smearing his accuser in her absence, followed by the falsification of the court order of 20 April 2019 omitting his name from the Record of Proceedings further compound the completely wrong, unlawful and unjust manner in which CJI Ranjan Gogoi and the Supreme Court under him have handled this complaint. 
If the Supreme Court had handled this whole situation differently right at the beginning and even after the complaint went public, the present impasse could have been avoided. 
But CJI Ranjan Gogoi is himself responsible for creating the present situation and has painted himself into a corner. 
What can he do now except offer to step down. Anything else and any further attempt to use the Supreme Court to silence the woman, to gag the media, and to avoid a proper investigation into the complaint of molestation and subsequent victimization will only bring the Supreme Court of India and the office of the Chief Justice of India into further disrepute. 

Wednesday, March 13, 2019

A Comment on the Supreme Court judgment holding lawyer Mathews Nedumpara guilty of contempt of court

- Seema Sapra

Two Supreme Court of India Judges, Judge Rohintan Nariman and Judge Vineet Saran have by a decision dated 12 March 2019 found lawyer Mathews Nedumpara to be guilty of contempt of court. The judgment can be read at https://www.livelaw.in/pdf_upload/pdf_upload-359059.pdf

The finding of guilt for contempt of court without notice, hearing or trial might not have been the right approach in this case, even if the alleged contempt was in the face of the court. Going by reports of what transpired after the alleged statement was made, apologies/ clarifications were issued and the hearing on merits continued. Proceedings were not disrupted. There is some ambiguity about exactly what was said and what the context was. Immediate contempt action would only apply in an immediate situation where the Court cannot continue functioning without addressing the contempt. In this case, the situation was perhaps different. The alleged statement by Mathews Nedumpara which offended Judge Rohinton Nariman was made during a hearing on 5 March 2019. After Judge Nariman reprimanded the lawyer, apologies and clarifications were issued by Nedumpara and the hearing on the main matter continued and judgment was reserved. No notice for contempt was issued on 5 March and no finding of contempt of court was made by the Court in its order of 5 March. The judgment holding Nedumpara guilty of contempt of court was delivered only on 12 March. Notice could thus have been issued on the contempt aspect and indeed ought to have been issued as the principles of natural justice must be departed from only in the most exceptional of circumstances.

I read the Judgment of J. Nariman and J. Saran and found it unsatisfactory on several counts.

First on the merits of the main writ petition itself, the Court did not discuss the grounds for Nedumpara's petition. Were they different from the Indira Jaising matter (Indira Jaising v. Supreme Court of India through Secretary General and Ors., (2017) 9 SCC 766)? If they were, it was clearly not a case seeking review. Ms Jaising had more or less conceded on the constitutionality of senior designations or she never challenged this. Her arguments were instead on the procedure and criteria for senior designation. Her petition was for reform and not abolishment of senior designations. I still believe that the senior advocate designation system is bad and should be discarded. It promotes institutional capture.

On the contempt aspect, I have the following comments to make on the judgment.

There is no clear finding of contempt in the judgment. Nowhere does the judgment analyse what Nedumpara did in Court before J. Nariman and J. Saran and discuss why it amounted to contempt. We don't even know exactly what Nedumpara said.

What Nedumpara said about Mr Fali Nariman during the hearing on 5 March and in what context and for what purpose is unclear. These facts are missing in the judgment.

The discussion of Nedumpara's previous conduct without hearing him is problematic. This previous conduct was clearly not contempt in the face of the Supreme Court so notice should have been issued to him. Also many of the orders mentioned are not final orders. What finally happened in those cases? Many of these cases are still pending. Some of these are contempt cases still pending against Nedumpara before the Bombay High Court. The judgment of J. Rohinton Nariman and J. Vineet Saran has essentially prejudged all these cases and this in the absence of Nedumpara and without hearing him. This is legally impermissible, besides causing the gravest prejudice to Nedumpara whose Articles 20 and 21 rights and due process rights are involved. What about the one year limitation period for taking cognizance of contempt of court? What about the Article 20 guarantee against double jeopardy? Whether past conduct can be invoked in this manner in a criminal proceeding is also a valid legal issue. At the very minimum, the Court should have given Nedumpara an opportunity to respond on these allegations of his previous misconduct.

The decision not to issue notice to Nedumpara and not to hear him and not to transfer the contempt issue to a Bench not comprising of Justice Rohinton Nariman is also of concern. These decisions could only have been taken if an immediate order and conviction for contempt was required during the hearing on 5 March. That was not the case. In fact the very decision of the Supreme Court in Sukhdev Singh Sodhi (1954) cited in the judgment cautions the court against these very kinds of decisions and urges the Bench to act with " dispassionate dignity and decorum which befits their high office” and to ensure compliance with natural justice so that "justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done by all concerned and most particularly by an accused person who should always be given, as far as that is humanly possible, a feeling of confidence that he will receive a fair, just and impartial trial by Judges who have no personal interest or concern in his case.”

If court proceedings were video-recorded all facts in all these cases would be crystal-clear, including whether Nedumpara has indeed misbehaved in Court.

How are the statements attributed to Nedumpara in para 2 of the judgment a contempt of court. They sound like legal submissions. The Court could have dismissed these submissions as being legally unsound but how do they constitute contempt of court?

The judgment contains the following statements against Nedumpara.
This is not the first time that this particular advocate has attempted to browbeat and insult Judges of this Court. In point of fact, the style of this particular advocate is to go on arguing, quoting Latin maxims, and when he finds that the Court is not with him, starts becoming abusive. We also find that this advocate is briefed to appear in hopeless cases and attempts, by browbeating the Court, to get discretionary orders, which no Court is otherwise prepared to give. We have found that the vast majority of appearances by this advocate before us have been in cases in which debtors have persistently defaulted, as a result of which their mortgaged properties have to be handed over to secured creditors to be sold in auction. It is at this stage that Shri Nedumpara is briefed to somehow put off the auction sale.

With due respect to the Judges who have authored this judgment, these generalized statements are not only unsubstantiated with facts but could be perceived as an example of bias against Nedumpara. Where are the actual factual examples of Nedumpara being “abusive” to Supreme Court Judges? If quoting latin maxims, being briefed in hopeless cases, and representing defaulting debtors were to be seen as “faults” in lawyers, then many lawyers including celebrity senior advocates who have represented Anil Ambani, Subrat Roy, the erstwhile Ranbaxy brothers, etc., before the Supreme Court would all fall under this taint.

There is an even more serious problem with this judgment. Mathews Nedumpara, his associates and organization have for years been raising concerns pertaining to judicial appointments and judicial corruption in public fora and in judicial proceedings in several courts across the country. They have raised the issue that too many judges being appointed in courts across the country are related to other judges, to politicians, powerful lawyers and elites, giving rise to apprehensions that the collegium system for judicial appointments is being gamed. Nedumpara has also raised the issue of relatives of judges practicing as lawyers in the same courts which in some instances has led to perceptions of corruption and undue favors. Nedumpara is not the first or only person to raise these concerns. These concerns have been raised by politicians, by sitting and retired Judges, in Parliament, in Law Commission reports, in several news reports, and in several judicial proceedings. These concerns have been expressed even in Supreme Court judgments including in a 2010 judgment by Justice Markandey Katju and Justice Gyan Sudha Mishra.

On 2 March 2019, Nedumpara filed a Writ Petition in the Delhi High Court as petitioner in person which was registered as Writ Petition Civil No. 2199/2019 in the matter of Mathews Nedumpara & Others versus Fali S Nariman & Others. This was registered by the Delhi High Court Registry on 5 March 2019. In this writ petition Nedumpara sought the following relief:
"(a) declare that the Explanation to Rule 6 of the Bar Council of India Rules, 1975, CHAPTER - II (STANDARDS OF PROFESSIONAL CONDUCT AND ETIQUETTE), which says that „Court‟ means not the entire Court, but the particular Court where the relative of a lawyer is a Presiding Judge, negates absolutely the concept of nemo debet esse judex in propria causa, and allowing the kith and kin of sitting Judges to practice in the very Court where his father or uncle is a Judge cuts the concepts of fairness, independence and impartiality in the administration of justice at their very root, namely, justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done;
(b) declare that Respondent No.1, the living legend, is disqualified from appearing in the Supreme Court where his illustrious son, Hon‟ble Mr. Justice Rohinton F. Nariman, is a sitting Judge, for, the Supreme Court means the entire Courts as an institution and the petitions which he (Respondent No.1) vets captioned as "To The Hon‟ble the Chief Justice and his Companion Justices of the Hon‟ble Supreme Court of India" come up before his illustrious son, Hon‟ble Mr. Justice Rohinton F. Nariman;
(c) issue an appropriate direction to the Collegium Members of the Supreme Court and the Government of India to take appropriate steps to secure transfer of the Judges of High Courts, where their kith and kin practice as lawyers, to some other High Court keeping in mind all concern for the inconvenience and difficulty to the Judge concerned and taking all such steps to mitigate the same;
(d) issue a writ of injunction or any other appropriate writ, order or injunction restraining and prohibiting Respondent No.1 in the Supreme Court;
(e) grant ad-interim injunction in terms of prayer (d) above; and
(f) pass such other order or orders, as this Hon‟ble Court may deem fit and proper under the facts and circumstances of the case."

Thus on 5 March 2019, when Nedumpara appeared before J. Rohinton Nariman, he was already a petitioner in a some-what related petition filed in the Delhi High Court against Judge Nariman’s father Mr Fali Nariman. Justice Rohinton Nariman ought to have recused from hearing Nedumpara’s petition. Had a copy of the Delhi High Court petition been served on Mr Fali Nariman? Had this petition been brought to the attention of Mr Fali Nariman?

Though on 6 March 2019, the Delhi High Court dismissed Nedumpara’s petition against Fali Nariman, however the judgment is not reasoned in my opinion. The issue of relatives of judges practicing in the same court is an important systemic malaise and has been raised before in judicial proceedings and in my opinion the Delhi High Court decision in Mathews Nedumpara versus Fali S Nariman does not provide closure.

Both Mr Fali Nariman and Judge Rohinton Nariman enjoy reputations for integrity and legal competence. The unilateral contempt action against Nedumpara by Justice Rohinton Nariman does however cause some amount of discomfort in the light of all of the above. The issue of “uncle judges” is a valid concern. Perhaps Mr Fali Nariman ought to have set an example for the Bar by retiring from his Supreme Court practice after the appointment of J. Rohinton Nariman as a Supreme Court Judge. Justice Nariman also perhaps ought to have considered recusal from cases involving Nedumpara in the light of the latter’s Delhi High Court petition impleading Fali Nariman. A conviction for contempt of court by the Supreme Court of India must always be based upon the application of the highest judicial standards, the principles of natural justice, and after full due process. Nedumpara should have been issued notice and been afforded an opportunity to respond. As Jeremy Bentham would have said, a Judge trying a case is also himself on trial. Justice must not only be done but be seen to be done. Judge Rohinton Nariman would be the best person to correct any perception that justice has not been done in this whole matter.

See below for examples where all the issues canvassed by Nedumpara have been raised.
Press Information Bureau

Government of India

Ministry of Law & Justice

22-November-2012 18:08 IST

Uncle Judges Syndrome

The Law Commission of India in their 230th Report has mentioned the matter of appointment of ‘Uncle Judges’ in the High Courts, wherein it is said that the Judges, whose kith and kin are practicing in a High Court, should not be appointed in the same High Court.

The appointment of Judges in the High Court and Supreme Court is made under the Memorandum for Appointment of Judges which has been laid down following the Supreme Court Judgments in 1993 and 1998. Under this, responsibility for initiation of proposals for appointment of Judges in the High Court and Supreme Court is with the Chief Justice of the High Courts/Supreme Court. Under Article 217 of the Constitution, a person who has been an advocate for 10 years in a High Court or in two or more such Courts in succession is qualified to be considered for appointment as the Judge of the High Court.

Thus, under the Constitutional Provision, Chief Justice can recommend judges from the Bar to be appointed as the judge of the High Court. In this situation, kith and kin of those appointed as judges and practicing in the High Court is likely. With a view to correct the situation, judicial standards are being prescribed for the judges in the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, 2012 which has been passed by Lok Sabha already.

This was stated by the Minister for Law and Justice Dr. Ashwani Kumar in written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha today.

         
 THE JUDICIARY

‘Uncles' on Bench

V. VENKATESAN
The Supreme Court's recent strictures against some judges of the Allahabad High Court revive the debate on the uncle judge syndrome.
PTI

IN Shakespeare's Hamlet, Marcellus famously remarks that “something is rotten in the state of Denmark” as he and Horatio debate whether or not to follow Prince Hamlet and his ghost-father into the dark night. The ghost is a visible symbol of Claudius' crime of slaying his brother, the King of Denmark, and marrying his wife, Queen Gertrude. Marcellus' expression has become the standard phrase to refer to corruption and lack of morals in the high echelons of power.

On November 26, the Supreme Court Bench began its severe indictment of the state of affairs in the Allahabad High Court by saying that “there is something rotten in the Allahabad High Court” and it “needs some house cleaning”. The insinuation was that several judges of the High Court (both Lucknow and Allahabad Benches) suffered from “uncle judges” syndrome and passed orders favourable to parties represented by lawyers known to them. Since a judge refers to his colleagues as brother judges, they become “uncle judges” to his kith and kin. As per the Bar Council of India's regulations, a judge's kin cannot practise in the same court but can practise in an uncle judge's court. A son or daughter of Judge A will not appear before their father but attend Uncle Judge B's court. Likewise, the son or daughter of Judge B will appear before Judge A and not before their father.

Observers of this phenomenon have noted that children of such judges have been able to advance in their career much faster, in terms of rapid rise in the number of favourable orders they secure from the Bench and the corresponding increase in the number of their clients.

The Supreme Court found one such instance in the case of Raja Khan vs U.P. Sunni Central Wakf Board. In this case, there was an appeal against the judgment passed by a Division Bench of the High Court in August 2010 by Raja Khan, the proprietor of a circus company in Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh.

Raja Khan had challenged the refusal of the U.P. Sunni Central Wakf Board to allot   land belonging to the board to hold an annual mela and obtained in June two interim orders of a single judge of the High Court in Allahabad, passed ex parte, in his favour, and against the board. The Division Bench, however, set aside these orders.

The Supreme Court Bench, comprising Justice Markandey Katju and Justice Gyan Sudha Misra, found the interim orders of the single judge shocking as, in its view, they were clearly passed on extraneous considerations. First, it pointed out that the Bahraich district was within the territorial jurisdiction of the Lucknow Bench of the High Court and, therefore, the Allahabad Bench should not have heard the case. Secondly, it said, Raja Khan's writ petition in the High Court was not maintainable because “ordinarily no writ petition lies against a private body”, in this case, the Wakf Board. Thirdly, the Bench was critical of the single judge's interim orders, which granted final relief to Raja Khan, as it was fairly well settled that final relief should not be granted by an interim order.

The Supreme Court held that the Division Bench rightly set aside the interim orders. It said: “The faith of the common man is shaken to the core by such shocking and outrageous orders such as the kind which have been passed by the single judge.”

The Katju-Misra Bench then used the opportunity to reflect on the larger malaise afflicting the High Court. It observed:

“We are sorry to say but a lot of complaints are coming against certain judges of the Allahabad High Court relating to their integrity. Some judges have their kith and kin practising in the same court, and within a few years of starting practice the sons or relatives of the judge become multi-millionaires, have huge bank balances, luxurious cars, huge houses and are enjoying a luxurious life. This is a far cry from the days when the sons and other relatives of judges could derive no benefit from their relationship and had to struggle at the Bar like any other lawyer.

“We do not mean to say that all lawyers who have close relations as judges of the High Court are misusing that relationship. Some are scrupulously taking care that no one should lift a finger on this account. However, others are shamelessly taking advantage of this relationship. There are other serious complaints also against some judges of the High Court.

“The Allahabad High Court really needs some house cleaning and we request Hon'ble the Chief Justice of the High Court to do the needful, even if he has to take   some strong measures, including recommending transfers of the incorrigibles.

“Let a copy of this order be sent to the Registrars General/Registrars of all High Courts for being placed before Hon'ble the Chief Justice of the respective High Courts.”

https://frontline.thehindu.com/static/html/fl2801/stories/20110114280103900.htm

50% HC judges related to senior judicial members: Report
Around 50% of the judges of high courts and 33% judges in the Supreme Court are   family members of those in “higher echelons of judiciary”, claims a research done by a Mumbai-based lawyer.
INDIA Updated: Jun 19, 2015 00:22 IST
Soibam Rocky Singh
Hindustan Times
NJAC,Report,HC
Around 50% of the judges of high courts and 33% judges in the Supreme Court are   family members of those in “higher echelons of judiciary”, claims a research done by a Mumbai-based lawyer.

Advocate Mathews J Nedumpara, who is a petitioner-in-person, submitted the report to a five-judge constitutional bench hearing petitions challenging the NJAC Act. The situation was a result of the collegium system under which judges appointed other judges, Nedumpara told HT.

https://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2015/6/19-06-metro-10a.jpg
He said the Supreme Court’s verdicts in the 1990s resulted in the setting up of a collegium system that “monopolised” appointments to the higher judiciary, where kith and kin, and “former and sitting judges of the Supreme Court and high courts, Governors, chief ministers, law ministers, celebrated lawyers, the elite” are favoured.

According to the report, the Supreme Court has a sanctioned strength of 31 judges, out of which six judges were sons of former judges. The report mentioned appointments of over 88 judges from 13 high courts who were either born to a family of lawyers, judges, or worked under some legal luminaries.

Nedumpara claimed that the source of his information was the empirical data collected from the official websites of Supreme Court and 13 high courts in the months of September and October 2014. He said for other high courts, comparable data were not available.

He alleged that the collegium system functioned under complete secrecy where vacancies in the office of the higher judiciary were neither notified nor advertised.

Appearing for Supreme Court Bar Association, senior counsel Dushyant Dave had on Wednesday attacked the collegium system for ignoring merit and appointing judges who failed the common man and gave relief to only the “high and mighty”.

https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/50-hc-judges-related-to-senior-judicial-members-report/story-S8RP2Ir9cEuIN4NewFnvML.html

EDITORIAL
Justice cannot be relative
DECEMBER 03, 2010 01:36 IST
UPDATED: DECEMBER 03, 2010 01:37 IST
SHARE ARTICLE  2  0 PRINT A A A
By paraphrasing Marcellus' famous line in Shakespeare's Hamlet, the Supreme Court has shown its extraordinary annoyance about the state of affairs in the Allahabad High Court. The Division Bench, comprising Justices Markandey Katju and Gyan Sudha Mishra, made two inter-connected points to support the contention that “something is rotten in the Allahabad High Court.” One was the number of complaints about the lack of integrity in a section of the judges, something the Bench said the Chief Justice of the High Court must take action on. The other was that some judges have their friends and relatives practising as lawyers in the court — a state of affairs that, it noted, has resulted in such people becoming “multi-millionaires,” with “huge bank balances, luxurious cars [and] huge houses.” The reference here is to a pernicious and entrenched phenomenon, which the Law Commission, in its 230th report, referred to as “uncle judges.” Uncle judges are the inevitable result of the practice of appointing district judges and those who have practised as lawyers in a High Court as a judge of the same High Court. As the Law Commission observed, “impartiality and justice is the loser” when “judges either settle their scores with advocates who have practised with them or have a soft corner for them.”

Astonishingly, the phenomenon of uncle judges persists despite the Bar Council of India Rules, 1975, which state that advocates should not plead before a court if related to the judge. Moreover, the Supreme Court's charter of values, adopted in 1997, prohibit judges from permitting close relatives to appear before them. The Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill, which is pending in Parliament, will make it illegal to be an uncle judge. Section 3 of the proposed legislation specifically bars a judge from permitting “any member of his immediate family (including spouse, son, daughter, son-in-law or daughter-in-law or any other close relative) who is a member of the bar to appear before him or be associated in any manner with any case to be dealt by the judge.” An important reason behind the mass transfer of 30-odd High Court judges this September and October carried out in the “public interest” by the Supreme Court collegium was that many had kith and kin practising in the same court. But while transfers can check nepotism, they are hardly an effective way of checking other forms of judicial misconduct — most often, they only shift the problem from one court to another. What is needed is a quick and effective mechanism for dealing with judicial misbehaviour, something that the proposed legislation promises. This is why no time must be lost in passing it.
https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/Justice-cannot-be-relative/article15577891.ece

Dr Ikramul Haq
OP-ED

Judges and accountability
358
Shares
Dr Ikramul Haq

JANUARY 6, 2019

The process of accountability must start from those who judge others. Any process of accountability lacking credibility and transparency is bound to fail, even bounce back. For sustainable democracy, accountability of all through an impartial and competent judiciary is essential. For independent judiciary, the judges must be men of integrity, blameless, and free from all internal and external pressures. Since justice should not only be done but seen to have been done, the prime duty of a judge is to demonstrate before the public an image of the justice of the nation.

The starting point of across the board accountability in Pakistan should be making public declaration of assets/liabilities by the judges and high-ranking civil/military officials-those of politicians are published every year in the official gazette. The civil society and media should join hands to force the parliament to abolish all laws of secrecy and/or immunity and enact a law in terms of Article 19A of the Constitution for compulsory disclosure of assets/liabilities/taxes paid by judges/generals. We can learn a lot from India in this regards. The issue of asset disclosure of judges in India came in the limelight when a Right to Information Application was filed by Subhash Agarwal with the Supreme Court seeking to know if judges of the High Courts and the Supreme Court were complying with the 1997 Code of Conduct. The public information officer of the Supreme Court claimed “no such information exists in the Supreme Court registry”. Later on, an appeal was submitted before the Central Information Commission (CIC) arguing that the Supreme Court was making a distinction between information with the Chief Justice’s Office and that of the Supreme Court. The CIC, while rejecting this distinction, directed the public information officer of the Supreme Court to secure this information from the Chief Justice’s Office and hand over the same to Subhash Agarwal.



The Indian Supreme Court challenged the order of CIC filing a writ petition in the Delhi High Court. The CIC merely directed release of the information about whether judges were disclosing their assets to the Chief Justice, but in the writ petition, the Supreme Court apprehended that the exercise might lead to paving the way for people to know about asset disclosures under the Right to Information Act. It was claimed that asset disclosures by judges was exempted under this Act as information was lying with the Chief Justice under a “fiduciary relationship”. The second contention was that being “personal information”, it had no relationship with public domain. Chief Justice feared that public access of such declarations would amount to “an unwarranted invasion of the privacy” of his brother judges. Finally, it was argued that Chief Justice was not a “Public Authority”, amenable to the Act.

The starting point of across the board accountability in Pakistan should be making public declaration of assets/liabilities by the judges and high-ranking civil/military officials-those of politicians are published every year in the official gazette

The issue came in further limelight when the Indian government introduced a Bill in parliament providing for asset disclosure of judges, but with a protection clause that the same would not be accessible to the people and that judges would not be made liable for any action on the basis of their disclosure. This led to commotion in parliament-the members rising above party lines vehemently and collectively condemned this clause, forcing the government to pull out the Bill.

In the wake of debate in Parliament and public campaign, a number of High Court judges made their assets public (in Pakistan only Mr. Justice Mansoor Ali Shah did as Chief Justice of Lahore High Court), dissociating themselves from the Chief Justice of India’s stand that asset disclosure would lead to harassment of judges at the hands of disgruntled litigants. Eminent former judges and leading jurists joined the civil society-they openly and publicly demanded public declaration of assets by judges.



The entire civil society and media, unanimously and vocally, opposed the stand of Indian Chief Justice. Succumbing to opposition-both from inside and outside, he ultimately yielded announcing that the asset declarations of the judges would be placed at official website. Soon thereafter, twenty one judges of the Supreme Court, including Chief Justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan, declared their assets, giving details of movable and immovable property owned by them and their spouses. In India, even in the wake of such declarations, there was a sharp criticism over asset disclosures of the judges and their spouses. It was demanded that information about the assets of other close relatives, like sons and daughters, was also important in the Indian context. It is also valid in Pakistani context as even after elevation, the law houses of many judges are run by their relatives.

It is undisputed that in order to avoid conflicts of interest and the misuse of the prestige of office, judges must give up their political, charitable, and business activities when they take the bench. Until 1961, in India, there were instances in which lawyers appeared in the same court over which their relatives were presiding. But after the Advocates Act, 1961 empowered the Bar Council of India to frame rules on the matter, such incidences became rare. Under Rule 6 of this Act, the Bar Council prohibited that “no lawyer can practice in a court where any of his relatives functions as a judge”. The list of such relatives included his/her father, grandfather, son, grandson, uncle, brother, nephew, stepbrother, husband, wife, daughter, sister, aunt, niece, father-in-law, brother-in-law or sister-in-law. However, there have been controversies as to whether the term ‘court’ mentioned in this Rule 6 refers only to the court of that particular judge or the entire court where the relative works. In Pakistan, no such prohibition exists till today.



When in India, Justice P. Balakrishna Iyer became a judge of the Madras High Court, his son advocate. P. B. Krishnamoorthy shifted his practice to another State. When Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer became a Supreme Court judge, his son who was a lawyer as well, chose not to practice in any court in India opting for private employment. Justice V. Sivaraman Nair of the Kerala High Court had worked as a junior of Justice Krishna Iyer. But as soon as his daughter and daughter-in-law started practicing in the Kerala High Court, he requested the President of India to transfer him to another State.

Any such example is unheard of in Pakistan. On the contrary, many serving judges have their kith and kin practicing in the same court, and within a few years of starting practice have accumulated substantial assets/enjoying a luxurious life. This is a far cry from the days when the sons and other relatives of judges could derive no benefit from their relationship and had to struggle at the bar like any other lawyers. One hopes that the honourable judges of Supreme Court making others accountable will end this practice through a suo muto case.

Published in Daily Times, January 6th 2019

….
The case of fight of judges and lawyers also brings to mind that other way of tinkering with justice: that of ‘uncle judges’. It has relation to the appointment of those judges in a high court whose relatives are practising in the same court. In 2012, the Law Commission of India in its report recommended that the judges, whose kith and kin are practising in a high court, should not be appointed in the same high court. Since a judge refers to his colleagues as brother judges, they become “uncle judges” to his kith and kin.

In May 2014, the then newly appointed Chief Justice of India (CJI) Rajindra Mal Lodha sparked a debate when he said that at least 16 (34%) of the 47 judges in the Punjab and Haryana High Court have kith and kin practising law at the same place. Either these relatives have private practice or the Punjab and Haryana governments have accommodated them in respective advocate-general offices.

https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/sunday-special/people/forum-shoppers-pettifoggers--uncle-judges/499893.html

Every third HC judge is ‘uncle’
At least 16 (34%) of the 47 judges in the Punjab and Haryana high court have kith and kin practising law at the same place. Either these relatives have private practice or the Punjab and Haryana governments have accommodated them in respective advocate general offices. Now the statement by 41st Chief Justice of India (CJI) Rajindra Mal Lodha, who took over on April 27, has triggered a debate about “uncle judges".
PUNJAB Updated: May 03, 2014 09:31 IST
Sanjeev Verma
Hindustan Times
At least 16 (34%) of the 47 judges in the Punjab and Haryana high court have kith and kin practising law at the same place. Either these relatives have private practice or the Punjab and Haryana governments have accommodated them in respective advocate general offices. Now the statement by 41st Chief Justice of India (CJI) Rajindra Mal Lodha, who took over on April 27, has triggered a debate about “uncle judges”.


The CJI has said there is nothing the judges can do about it, and it is for the bar council to take pro-active action. The Bar Council of India as well as the bar councils of states such as Rajasthan and Bihar had passed resolutions to shift uncle judges to high courts outside.

https://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/popup/2014/4/lawyers_compressed.jpgBar   Council of India chairman Biri Singh Sinsinwar, when contacted, said: "The new CJI has not been briefed properly about all the facts. The council cannot be blamed, since it has passed a resolution already that when the advocates whose kin are practicing in the same high court are elevated as judges, they should be transferred to other high courts immediately. It is the Supreme Court and the Centre that are not implementing the resolution."
Bar Council of Punjab and Haryan a chairman Rakesh Gupta said the body could act only on complaints, which it had not received, so far. Asked if any resolution of the kind the other bar councils had passed was coming up, he replied: “I can’t comment as a chairman.”


On the issue of “uncle judges”, the Law Commission of India in its 230th report submitted to the union law ministry in August 2009 had mentioned that judges should not be appointed in the high courts where their kith and kin practised.

In May 2010, the-then chief justice of the Punjab and Haryana high cour t, Mukul Mudgal, had forwarded a list of 16 “uncle judges” to the union ministry of law and justice.

The names included justices Adarsh Kumar Goel (now chief justice of the Orissa high court); MM Kumar (chief justice of the Jammu and Kashmir high court) ; Ashutosh Mohunt a (Andhra Pradesh high court); SK Mittal; Hemant Gupta; TPS Mann; Mahesh Grover; KC Puri; KS Ahluwalia; Sabina; MS Sullar; and now retired SD Anand, VK Sharma, Jora Singh, Gurdev Singh and Harbans Lal.

https://www.hindustantimes.com/punjab/every-third-hc-judge-is-uncle/story-emvLdM8SlnlknyCQ4A7uLM.html

Cannot pass judicial order to prohibit kith and kin of sitting judges from practicing in same court: Supreme Court BY: RITUPARNA DUTTAA29 April 2014 2:11 PM 
A Supreme Court Bench headed by Chief Justice R M Lodha and comprising of Justices M B Lokur and Kurian Joseph refused to entertain a PIL seeking to prohibit the kith and kin of sitting judges of the apex court and High Courts from practicing in the same courts. While dismissing the petition, filed by Advocate M L Sharma, the Bench said it couldn’t pass a judicial order on the plea seeking to prohibit the kith and kin of sitting judges of the apex court and High Courts from practicing in the same courts as the Bar Council of India or state Bar Associations are the ones to deal with any matters relating to violation of code of conduct.
Alleging that practicing of kith and kin of judges was another face of corruption, Advocate Sharma, in his petition had made the Centre, BCI the apex regulatory body of lawyers, as Respondents in his Writ Petition.. The petition stated that barring kith and kin of judges from practicing in the same courts would restore faith and value of the judiciary. According to Sharma, the Supreme Court, in its Full Court Meeting in 1997, had adopted a Charter of ‘The Restatement of Values of Judicial Life’ which said a judge should not allow any member of his immediate family, such as spouse, son, daughter, son-in-law or daughter-in-law or any other close relative, if a member of the Bar, to appear before him or even be associated in any manner with a cause to be dealt with by him.
The Bench stated that in case, if any member of the Bar does not follow the professional ethics a complaint has to be filed with BCI or state Bar associations, as this is not the role of the court and there cannot be a judicial order. While the bench was dismissing the petition, advocate M L Sharma chose to withdraw it. Justice Lodha while interacting with journalists after taking oath as the 41st CJI, had said that a judge can do nothing in such matters and it is the Bar who has to take action, as Bar has the disciplinary control over the members.

https://www.livelaw.in/pass-judicial-order-prohibit-kith-kin-sitting-judges-practicing-court-supreme-court/

https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/father-son-and-the-holy-court/article6528282.ece
COMMENT
Father, son and the holy Court
K. Chandru OCTOBER 24, 2014 02:41 IST
UPDATED: MAY 23, 2016 19:10 IST
The Bar Council of India must suitably amend relevant rules and uphold the faith of the common man in the judiciary. Picture shows the Supreme Court. Photo: Rajeev Bhatt
op-ed
Senior advocate Fali S. Nariman appearing in cases before the Supreme Court where his son is a judge has revived an old debate regarding the appropriateness of such appearances
In 1967, when U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson appointed the son of U.S. Supreme Court Judge Tom C. Clark as the Attorney General, Clark promptly resigned from his post. This was because an Attorney General will have to make frequent appearance in the court in which his father will be one of the judges adorning the bench and in that Supreme Court all the nine judges sit together. But in India that has not been the case. Right now the matter regarding the appropriateness of a lawyer appearing in a court in which his near relative is a judge has gained significance in the context of Fali S. Nariman, a leading senior advocate of the Supreme Court, continuing to appear in cases before the Supreme Court in which his son Rohinton F. Nariman has become a Judge since July 2014. While some criticism was aired regarding this in public, Mr. Nariman dismissed complaints maintaining that there is no legal bar for such appearance and said that everyone is equal before the law.

What rules say

Until 1961, in India, there were instances in which lawyers appeared in the same court over which their relatives were presiding. But after the Advocates Act, 1961 empowered the Bar Council of India to frame rules on the matter, such incidences have become rare. Under Rule 6 of the norms established by the Bar Council, no lawyer can practise in a court where any of his relatives functions as a judge. The list of such relatives included his/her father, grandfather, son, grandson, uncle, brother, nephew, stepbrother, husband, wife, daughter, sister, aunt, niece, father-in-law, brother-in-law or sister-in-law. However, there have been controversies as to whether the term ‘court’ mentioned in this Rule refers only to the court of that particular judge or the entire court where the relative works.

During the early 1980s, this rule came up for interpretation before the Karnataka High Court. Pramila Nesargi, a woman advocate who got married to Nesargi, a Karnataka High Court Judge who had lost his wife at that time, appeared before the court of Justice P.P. Bopanna. She was not a senior advocate at that time and as her name did not find mention in the vakalat filed in that case, the Judge directed her to file a vakalat to represent her client. The next day when her name appeared in the cause list, the judge who heard her case refused to allow her to appear before any judge in the Karnataka High Court.

He ruled: “The Bar Council prohibits a lawyer from appearing in a Court where a close relative works as a judge. While the term ‘court’ does not specifically refer to all the courts in a particular High Court, we should be strict in respect of a wife. A wife has an intimate relationship with her husband. Many matters discussed among judges would reach her ears. When a woman who has access to confidential matters in respect of a Court is allowed to practise in the same Court as a lawyer, it can spell danger.”



" Advocates Act, 1961 empowered the Bar Council of India to frame rules so that no lawyer can practise in a court where any of his relatives functions as a judge. "



Subsequently, the matter was raised before the Supreme Court which ordered notice to the Bar Council. But the case was not taken to its logical end and the matter became infructuous as the counsel involved became a senior advocate and the Judge concerned was superannuated. Yet the controversy over the interpretation of the rule still continues to haunt the courts. When Justice P. Balakrishna Iyer became a judge of the Madras High Court, his son advocate P. B. Krishnamoorthy shifted his practice to another State. There was also a strange practice adopted by a lawyer in the early 1970s. The said lawyer used to sign hundreds of memos of appearances in bail applications so that those matters will not go before his father-in-law judge, who was known to be strict regarding granting of bail.

When Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer became a Supreme Court judge, his son who was a lawyer as well, chose not to practise in any court in India opting for private employment. Justice V. Sivaraman Nair of the Kerala High Court had worked as a junior of Justice Krishna Iyer. But as soon as his daughter and daughter-in-law started practising in the Kerala High Court, he requested the President of India to transfer him to another State.

Justice Leila Seth, a former Chief Justice of Himachal Pradesh writing in her autobiography recalled her experience in the Patna High Court regarding the two kinds of ‘practice’ the Bar had adopted.

She wrote: “I heard people talking about ‘Uncle Practice’ and ‘Lal Jhanda’. I wondered what all this was about. I learnt that, since a son was not permitted practice in his father’s court, if you did not want the matter to be heard by that court, you briefed the son and thus stopped the matter from going before the father; you had put out a warning ’Red Flag’. This misuse of a rule that had been incorporated to prevent partisan decisions was apparently quite prevalent, and some young lawyers even managed to make a living out of it. It was also rumoured that certain judges favoured the sons of their brother judges, and so the ‘Uncle Practice’ thrived.”

In S. P. Gupta’s case (1981) dealing with the judges’ transfer issue relating to close relations taking undue advantage of a sitting judge, the following way out was suggested to avoid embarrassment: “We have to take into account the advice given by the CJI in one of the seminars that where close relations of a Judge or the Chief Justice practise in the same court and are likely to gain undue advantage, the concerned judge should himself, in obedience to the keen sense of justice which every Judge possesses opt to be transferred to some other High Court.”

In 1997, all the judges of the Supreme Court assembled under the Chairmanship of Chief Justice J. S. Verma and adopted a resolution on ‘The Values in Judicial Life’. That resolution stated that a judge should prohibit a close relative of his from appearing in his court. It also stated that no relative of his should practise law while staying in the Judge’s house. Markandeya Katju, in his judgment in Raja Khan’s case, sounded a warning on the ills of kith and kin being allowed to practise in the same court as their relatives. He said: “Some Judges have their kith and kin practising in the same court, and within a few years of starting practice the sons or relations of the Judge become multimillionaires, have huge bank balances, luxurious cars, huge houses and are enjoying a luxurious life. This is a far cry from the days when the sons and other relatives of Judges could derive no benefit from their relationship and had to struggle at the bar like any other lawyer.”

What is the way out?

When Justice R. M. Lodha took over as the Chief Justice of India, some presspersons raised a question as to whether it was not possible to prohibit relatives of a judge from practising as lawyers in the same Court. He replied that it was up to the Bar to find a solution to the problem. He also dismissed a public interest litigation filed by advocate M. L. Sharma seeking a ban on the relatives of judges practising in the same courts.

With the controversy reviving in the context of Mr. Nariman appearing in the court where his son is a judge, the Bar Council of India must be called upon to suitably amend relevant rules and uphold the faith of the common man in the judiciary.

(K. Chandru is a retired Judge of the Madras High Court.)


Mar 17, 2019

IRE 230 /8 (81.5)
Can't pass order prohibiting kin from practicing in same court: SC
India hidden Apr 28, 2014 20:14:46 IST
  
New Delhi: The Supreme Court today said it cannot pass a judicial order on the plea seeking to prohibit the kith and kin of sitting judges of the apex court and high courts from practicing in the same courts and said any matters relating to violation of code of conduct have to be dealt by the Bar Council of India or state Bar Associations.

"This is not the function of the court. File a complaint for stopping such practice. If any member of the Bar who is not following the professional ethics, be it the son of a judge, file a complaint (with BCI or state Bar associations). There cannot be a judicial order," a bench headed by Chief Justice RM Lodha said.


Cant pass order prohibiting kin from practicing in same court: SC
File photo of the Supreme Court building, Reuters
"Whatever be the status, take the complaint to a logical conclusion and lead it with evidence," the bench, also comprising justices MB Lokur and Kurian Joseph, said.

The bench made the remarks while declining to entertain a PIL seeking to prohibit the kith and kin of sitting judges of the apex court and high courts from practicing in the same courts.

While the bench was dismissing the petition, advocate ML Sharma, who had filed the plea, preferred to withdraw it. In an interaction with journalists after taking oath as the 41st CJI yesterday, Justice Lodha had said that there is nothing that a judge can do in such matters and it is upto the Bar to be "pro-active" and take action.

"Bar has the disciplinary control over the members. It is for the Bar to take action and closely follow the conduct of the members. What can a judge do if some lawyers do not adhere to ethics. Rules are there and Bar has to take action," he had said.

"If my son or daughter does not follow the code of conduct then Bar has to take action. Unfortunately, the role which the Bar is required to play is not being played by the Bar and unfortunately we are blamed," he had said.

The petition, in which the Centre, BCI, the apex regulatory body of lawyers, were made respondents, alleged that "practicing of kith and kin of judges is another face of corruption".

Prohibiting them from practicing in the same courts would reinstate faith and value of the judiciary, the petition said. The lawyer said that the Supreme Court, in its Full Court Meeting in 1997, had adopted a Charter of 'The Restatement of Values of Judicial Life' which said a judge should not permit any member of his immediate family, such as spouse, son, daughter, son-in-law or daughter-in-law or any other close relative, if a member of the Bar, to appear before him or even be associated in any manner with a cause to be dealt with by him.

PTI
https://www.firstpost.com/india/cant-pass-order-prohibiting-kin-from-practicing-in-same-court-sc-1500387.html

Shot at list on judicial clans
Chief Justice seeks details from judges

By R. Balaji
Published 6.10.16

AddThis Sharing Buttons
New Delhi, Oct. 5: Chief Justice of India T.S. Thakur has initiated a process of discreetly seeking information from his colleagues on their family members who are practising as lawyers.

The Chief Justice is likely to make public the details of the kith and kin of Supreme Court judges practising in various courts or working with law firms.

The initiative, sources said, is intended to dispel any misgivings among the public about the "conflict of interest" of sons and daughters appearing in different courts when their father is a judge.

Justice Thakur's two sons and a daughter are practising lawyers but they have consciously kept themselves away from the Supreme Court right from November 2009 when he was elevated to the Supreme Court.

Some of the children of all the remaining four judges in the high-powered collegium - Justices A.R. Dave, J.S. Khehar, Dipak Misra and J. Chelameshwar - are also practising lawyers. They too do not practise in the Supreme Court to maintain the "highest standards of the Bar", said a top judicial officer.

According to sources, a preliminary scrutiny by the Chief Justice has indicated that   barring a few judges such as Justices N.V. Ramana and A.M. Khanwilkar, most of the judges have their own kith and kin practising in different courts.

Even if they appear in the Supreme Court, they do not appear before the bench on which their parent is sitting, a senior judge said.

"Although we are not bound to give the details to the CJI about our kith and kin, we decided to part with the information to usher in more transparency," a judge said.

Another senior judge said: "A Bollywood star wants his children to be actors. Businessmen would like their wards to pursue the family business. Similarly, politicians, doctors and chartered accountants would also like their children to take up the same profession.

"So, there is nothing wrong in judges wanting their children to practise law, which is a noble field, as long as they don't appear before their own parents or relatives."

According to a judge, Article 19(1)(g) grants every citizen the fundamental right to   carry on any profession, occupation, trade or business.

"Just because a person is a judge's son or daughter, he or she cannot be denuded of the power to choose the judiciary as a profession," said a collegium member.

The clarification by the judges came against a backdrop of suggestions earlier that some high court judges in the past had sought to get their kith and kin promoted as judges, depriving more deserving candidates.

The National Judicial Appointments Commission, which was struck down in October last year by a five-judge constitution bench, had sought to overcome these defects, said a few other judges who felt it would be difficult to convince others that personal preferences were not at play when decisions concerning relatives of judges are taken.

Countering the argument, a judge said: "Such shortcomings are bound to be there in any system as judges are also human."
https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/shot-at-list-on-judicial-clans/cid/1483457